Text 1

    In contrast to traditional analyses of minority business, the sociological analysis contends that minority business ownership is a group-level phenomenon in that it is largely dependent upon social-group resources for its development. Specifically, this analysis indicates that support networks play a critical role in starting and maintaining minority business enterprises by providing owners with a range of assistance from the informal encouragement of family members and friends to dependable sources of workers and clients from the owner’s ethnic group. Such self-help networks, which encourage and support ethnic minority entrepreneurs, consist of “primary” institutions, those closest to the individual in shaping his or her behavior and beliefs. They are characterized by the face-to-face association and cooperation of persons united by ties of mutual concern. They form an intermediate social level between the individual and larger “secondary” institutions based on impersonal relationships. Primary institutions comprising the support network include relatives, friends, and neighborhood or community subgroups.

    A major function of self-help networks is financial support. Most scholars agree that minority business owners have depended primarily on family funds and ethnic community resources for investment capital. Personal savings have been accumulated, often through frugal living habits that require sacrifices by the entire family and are thus a product of long-term family financial behavior. Additional loans and gifts from relatives, forthcoming because of group obligation rather than narrow investment calculation, have supplemented personal savings. Individual entrepreneurs do not necessarily rely on their relatives because they cannot obtain financial backing from commercial resources. They may actually avoid banks because they assume the commercial institutions either cannot comprehend the special needs of minority enterprise or charge unreasonably high interest rates.

    Within the larger ethnic community, rotating credit associations have been used to raise capital. These associations are informal clubs of friends and other trusted members of the ethnic group who make regular contributions to a fund that is given to each contributor in rotation. One author estimates that 40 percent of New York Chinatown firms established during 1900-1950 utilized such associations as their initial source of capital. However, recent immigrants and third or fourth generations of older groups now employ rotating credit associations only occasionally to raise investment funds. Some groups, like black Americans, found other means of financial support for their entrepreneurial efforts. The first Black-operated banks were created in the late nineteenth century as depositaries for dues collected from friendly groups, which themselves had sprung from Black churches. Black banks made limited investments in other Black enterprises. Irish immigrants in American cities organized many building and loan associations to provide capital for home construction and purchase. They, in turn, provided work for many Irish home-building contractor firms. Other ethnic and minority groups followed similar practices in founding ethnic-directed financial institutions. (459 words)

    Notes: ethnic 民族的。entrepreneurs企業(yè)家。frugal勤儉的。in rotation輪流地。entrepreneurial企業(yè)的。depositary儲(chǔ)存處。due n. 會(huì)費(fèi)。spring from從…派生。contractor firms承包公司。rotating credit associations輪流信貸協(xié)會(huì)。

    1. Which of the following illustrates the working of a self-help support network as described in the text?

    A. The local government in a city sets up a program that helps teen-agers find jobs.

    B. A commercial bank offers low-interest loans to those who hope to establish businesses.

    C. A neighborhood-based organization develops a program of job training for its members and their friends.

    D. A public high school offers courses in book-keeping and accounting as part of its open adult education program.

    2. The logical organization of the second paragraph is that _________.

    A. an argument is stated, followed by a counter argument

    B. an assertion is made and several examples are provided to illustrate it

    C. a situation is described and its historical background is then outlined

    D. an example of a phenomenon is given and then is used as a basis for conclusions

    3. It can be learned from the text that ________.

    A. self-help networks have been effective in helping entrepreneurs primarily in the last 50 years

    B. minority groups have developed a range of alternatives to standard financing of business ventures

    C. a minority entrepreneur who had no assistance from family members would not be able to start a business

    D. the financial institutions founded by various ethnic groups owe their success to their unique formal organization

    4. It can be learned from the last paragraph of the text that rotating credit associations _________.

    A. were developed exclusively by Chinese immigrants in New York

    B. were frequently joint endeavors by members of two or three different ethnic groups

    C. had to be relied on by the Chinese because they could not borrow money from commercial banks

    D. provided a big portion of the investment capital for Chinese immigrants in New York in the early 20th century

    5. It can be inferred from the last paragraph that the Irish building and loan associations _________.

    A. originated as offshoots of church-related groups B. were started by third-or fourth-generation immigrants

    C. helped employ many Irish construction workers D. enabled Irish entrepreneurs to finance manufacturing

    Text 2

    In 1997 the prestigious Ewha Women’s University in Seoul, Korea, announced the opening of the first women’s studies program in Asia. Few academic programs have ever received such public attention. In broadcast debates, critics dismissed the program as a betrayal of national identity, an imitation of Western ideas, and a distraction from the real task of national unification and economic development. Even supporters underestimated the program; they thought it would be merely another of the many Western ideas that had already proved useful in Asian culture, similar to airlines, electricity, and the assembly line. The founders of the program, however, realized that neither view was correct. They had some reservations about the applicability of Western feminist theories to the role of women in Asia and felt that such theories should be closely examined. Their approach has thus far yielded important critiques of Western theory, informed by the special experience of Asian women.

    For instance, like the Western feminist critique of the Freudian model of the human psyche, the Korean critique finds Freudian theory culture-bound, but in ways different from those cited by Western theorists. The Korean theorists claim that Freudian theory assumes the universality of the Western nuclear, male-headed family and focuses on the personality formation of the individual, independent of society. An analysis based on such assumptions could be valid for a highly competitive, individualistic society. In the Freudian family drama, family members are assumed to be engaged in a Darwinian struggle against each other －father against son and mother against daughter. Such a concept projects the competitive model of Western society onto human personalities. But in the Asian concept of personality there is no ideal attached to individualism or to the independent self. The Western model of personality development does not explain major characteristics of the Korean personality, which is social and group-centered. The “self” is a social being defined by and acting in a group, and the well-being of both men and women is determined by the equilibrium of the group, not by individual self-assertion. The ideal is one of interdependency.

    In such a context, what is recognized as “dependency” in Western psychiatric terms is not, in Korean terms, an admission of weakness or failure. All this bears directly on the Asian perception of men’s and women’s psychology because men are also “dependent”. In Korean culture, men cry and otherwise easily show their emotions, something that might be considered a betrayal of masculinity in Western culture. In the kinship-based society of Korea, four generations may live in the same house, which means that people can be sons and daughters all their lives, whereas in Western culture, the roles of husband and son, wife and daughter, are often incompatible. (451 words)

    Notes: prestigious 有聲望的。national identity 民族性。feminist 女權(quán)主義的。thus far 至今。 be informed by 被…貫穿。culture-bound 受文化限制的。psyche 心靈。project … onto 把…投射到…上，使…反映在…上。social being 社會(huì)存在。well-being 幸福。equilibrium 平衡。bear on 影響…。masculinity 男子氣。kinship-based 親屬為基礎(chǔ)的。

    1. Some of the supporters of the Ewha women’s studies program __________.

    A. assumed that the program would be based on the uncritical adoption of Western theories

    B. failed to show concern for the issues of national unification and economic development

    C. were unfamiliar with Western feminist theories and their important roles in social life

    D. were not themselves scholars in the field of women’s studies and had no idea about them

    2. According to paragraph 2, the Western feminist critique of Freudian theory __________.

    A. fails to address the issue of competitiveness in Western society

    B. recognizes the influence of Western culture on Freudian theory

    C. acknowledges the universality of the nuclear, male-headed family

    D. challenges Freudian analysis of the women’s role in Western society

    3. It can be inferred from the second paragraph that the Ewha women’s studies group holds that __________.

    A. personality development occurs in identifiable stages from childhood to adulthood

    B. any theory of personality development, in order to be valid, must be universal

    C. personality development is influenced by the characteristics of the society a person lives in

    D. personality development is hindered if a person is not permitted to be independent

    4. By referring to “dependency” in the last paragraph, the author intends to show .

    A. the betrayal of masculinity in Western culture

    B. the characteristics of kinship-based Korean culture

    C. the compatible attitude of parents towards their children

    D. the distinction between the Western culture and the Korean culture

    5. Which of the following best summarizes the content of the text?

    A. A critique of a particular women’s studies program.

    B. A brief history of Korean women’s studies program.

    C. An assessment of a particular women’s studies program.

    D. A report of work in social theory done by a particular women’s studies program.

    Word Study

    1. dismiss (下課)讓走掉，使（會(huì)）解散；解雇；打消（想法），不考慮；認(rèn)為（不重要）而不加考慮：

    1) The teacher dismissed the class ten minutes earlier. (老師提前10分鐘下課了。)

    2) No lecturer may be dismissed from his post for misconduct without proper inquiry being held. (沒有進(jìn)行好好的調(diào)查就認(rèn)為行為不端是不可以解聘老師的。)

    3) She did her best to dismiss the thoughts. (她盡力打消這些想法。)

    4) He dismissed the suggestion with a shake of his head. (他搖搖頭不考慮這項(xiàng)建議。)

    5) He just laughed, and dismissed the idea as unimportant. (他只是大笑，認(rèn)為這個(gè)主意不重要而不加考慮。)

    6) He dismissed the story as mere rumor. (他認(rèn)為這件事是謠言不屑一顧。)

    同根詞：dismissal 解雇：Martin was not free from a fear of dismissal if he refused to obey. (如果馬丁不肯服從，那他就無法擺脫擔(dān)心被解雇。)

    2. reserve vt. 保留；預(yù)定；留到以后（再宣布討論等）：

    1) I reserve the right to make my own decision. (我保留做出我自己決定的權(quán)利。)

    2) I will reserve my opinion at this time. (這次我將保留我的看法。)

    3) The use of this room is reserved to members of the staff. (這個(gè)房間的使用權(quán)留給內(nèi)部人員。)

    4) He reserved a table for two.

    reserve n. 保留或儲(chǔ)備的東西，儲(chǔ)備金，儲(chǔ)量；后備軍人；自然保護(hù)區(qū)：

    1) As I require money quickly I must draw on my reserve. (當(dāng)我馬上需要錢時(shí)，我必須利用我的儲(chǔ)備金。)

    2) The old man keeps a large reserve of firewood for cold weather. (這位老人保存了大量生火木柴天冷時(shí)用。)

    3) the bank’s reserves銀行儲(chǔ)備金；the gold reserve 黃金儲(chǔ)備。

    4) Animals are kept in reserves lest they should be shot. (動(dòng)物關(guān)在自然保護(hù)區(qū)以免被射殺。)

    5) He is a person of reserve. (他是一個(gè)沉默寡言的人。)

    用于成語：in reserve 保存起來：I still have a little money in reserve. with reserve 有保留地：Clearly, he spoke with reserve, but even so his meaning was quite plain. without reserve 無保留地：We accept your statement without reserve.

    reserved adj. 沉默寡言的；有保留的：

    1) He was naturally thoughtful and reserved.

    2) reserved consent (有保留的同意)。

    reservation 保留(意見)；定（票、座）；保留地：

    1) I have no reservation about hiring him.

    2) We make reservations of rooms at a hotel.

    3) The government has set apart Indian reservations. (政府已經(jīng)劃出印第安人保留地。

    Text 3

    [2002 RC 2]

    Since the dawn of human ingenuity, people have devised ever more cunning tools to cope with work that is dangerous, boring, burdensome, or just plain nasty. That compulsion has resulted in robotics – the science of conferring various human capabilities on machines. And if scientists have yet to create the mechanical version of science fiction, they have begun to come close.

    As a result, the modern world is increasingly populated by intelligent gizmos whose presence we barely notice but whose universal existence has removed much human labor. Our factories hum to the rhythm of robot assembly arms. Our banking is done at automated teller terminals that thank us with mechanical politeness for the transaction. Our subway trains are controlled by tireless robo-drivers. And thanks to the continual miniaturization of electronics and micro-mechanics, there are already robot systems that can perform some kinds of brain and bone surgery with submillimeter accuracy – far greater precision than highly skilled physicians can achieve with their hands alone.

    But if robots are to reach the next stage of laborsaving utility, they will have to operate with less human supervision and be able to make at least a few decisions for themselves – goals that pose a real challenge. “While we know how to tell a robot to handle a specific error,” says Dave Lavery, manager of a robotics program at NASA, “we can’t yet give a robot enough ‘common sense’ to reliably interact with a dynamic world.”

    Indeed the quest for true artificial intelligence has produced very mixed results. Despite a spell of initial optimism in the 1960s and 1970s when it appeared that transistor circuits and microprocessors might be able to copy the action of the human brain by the year of 2010, researchers lately have begun to extend that forecast by decades if not centuries.

    What they found, in attempting to model thought, is that the human brain’s roughly one hundred billion nerve cells are much more talented – and human perception far more complicated – than previously imagined. They have built robots that can recognize the error of a machine panel by a fraction of millimeter in a controlled factory environment. But the human mind can glimpse a rapidly changing scene and immediately disregard the 98 percent that is irrelevant, instantaneously focusing on the monkey at the side of winding forest road or the single suspicious face in a big crowd. The most advanced computer system on Earth can’t approach that kind of ability, and neuroscientists still don’t know quite how we do it. (418 words)

    Notes: ingenuity 心靈手巧，發(fā)明創(chuàng)造。plain adv. (=simply)簡(jiǎn)直是。teller 出納員。confer… on…把…賦予…。for themselves 獨(dú)立地。a spell of 一陣。panel控制板；論壇。panel discussion 論壇討論會(huì)。

    1. Human ingenuity was initially demonstrated in ____________.

    A. the use of machines to produce science fiction B. the wide use of machines in manufacturing industry

    C. the invention of tools for difficult and dangerous work D. the elite’s cunning tackling of dangerous and boring work

    2. The word “gizmos” (line 1, paragraph 2) most probably means ____________.

    A. programs B. experts C. devices D. creatures

    3. According to the text, what is beyond man’s ability now is to design a robot that can ____________.

    A. fulfil delicate tasks like performing brain surgery B. interact with human beings verbally

    C. have a little common sense D. respond independently to a changing world

    4. Besides reducing human labor, robots can also ____________.

    A. make a few decisions for themselves B. deal with some errors with human intervention

    C. improve factory environment D. cultivate human creativity

    5. The author uses the example of a monkey to argue that robots are ____________.

    A. expected to copy human brain in internal structure

    B. able to perceive abnormalities immediately

    C. far less able than human brain in focusing on relevant information

    D. best used in a controlled environment

    Text 4 (課外閱讀)

    [98年閱讀考試文章，試題重編]

    Science has long had an uneasy relationship with other aspects of culture. Think of Galileo’s 17th-century trial for his rebelling belief before the Catholic church or poet William Blake’s harsh remarks against the mechanistic worldview of Isaac Newton. The schism between science and the humanities has, if anything, deepened in this century.

    Until recently the scientific community was so powerful that it could afford to ignore its critics--but no longer. As funding for science has declined, scientists have attacked “anti-science” in several books, notably Higher Superstition, by Paul R. Gross, a biologist at the University of Virginia, and Norman Levitt, a mathematician at Rutgers University; and The Demon-Haunted World, by Carl Sagan of Cornell University.

    Defenders of science have also voiced their concerns at meetings such as “The Flight from Science and Reason,” held in New York City in 1995, and “Science in the Age of (Mis) information,” which assembled last June near Buffalo.

    Anti-science clearly means different things to different people. Gross and Levitt find fault primarily with sociologists, philosophers and other academics who have questioned science’s objectivity. Sagan is more concerned with those who believe in ghosts, creationism and other phenomena that contradict the scientific worldview.

    A survey of news stories in 1996 reveals that the anti-science tag has been attached to many other groups as well, from authorities who advocated the elimination of the last remaining stocks of smallpox virus to Republicans who advocated decreased funding for basic research.

    Few would dispute that the term applies to the Unabomber, whose manifesto, published in 1995, scorns science and longs for return to a pre-technological utopia. *But surely that does not mean environmentalists concerned about uncontrolled industrial growth are anti-science, as an essay in US News & World Report last May seemed to suggest.

    The environmentalists, inevitably, respond to such critics. The true enemies of science, argues Paul Ehrlich of Stanford University, a pioneer of environmental studies, are those who question the evidence supporting global warming, the depletion of the ozone layer and other consequences of industrial growth.

    Indeed, some observers fear that the anti-science epithet is in danger of becoming meaningless. “The term ‘a(chǎn)nti-science’ can lump together too many, quite different things,” notes Harvard University philosopher Gerald Holton in his 1993 work Science and Anti-Science. “They have in common only one thing that they tend to annoy or threaten those who regard themselves as more enlightened.” (399 words)

    Notes: schism分裂。if anything 甚至于還可能。find fault with 批評(píng)，挑剔。creationism 上帝創(chuàng)世說。long for 渴望。utopia 烏托邦，理想主義。epithet 表述。lump together 把…歸并在一起。have … in common 共同點(diǎn)是…。

    1. The example of Galileo’s 17th-century trial is used to show ___________.

    A. the hostile attitude of the humanities towards science

    B. the confusion between science and other aspects of culture

    C. the conspicuous advantage of science over anti-science

    D. the harmonious relationship of science with the humanities

    2. What can we infer from the second and third paragraphs of the text?

    A. The author sympathizes with scientists in a reasonable way.

    B. The decline of science’s power is attributed to reduction in funding for science.

    C. The development of science contributes to its struggle against humanities.

    D. The division of science and the humanities has considerably grown until recently.

    3. Which of the following is true according to the text?

    A. The “more enlightened” tend to tag others as anti-science.

    B. Politicians and certain authorities are subject to the labeling of anti-science.

    C. Environmentalists were not blamed at all for anti-science in an essay.

    D. Sagan does not criticize those who advocate theories contrary to science.

    4. The last paragraph suggests that __________________.

    A. some observers are afraid of being accused of anti-science

    B. Gerald Holton tags many different views he doesn’t agree with as anti-science

    C. anything that offends the “more enlightened” is now in danger of being listed in “anti-science”

    D. the “more enlightened” think that the term “anti-science” involves many wrong attitudes towards science

    5. The author’s attitude toward the issue of “science vs. anti-science” is ___________________.

    A. detached B. subjective C. biased D. puzzling

    II. Writing: (提綱漫畫式作文)

    Directions: In this part, you are to write an essay of 160--200 words within 30--35 minutes. Your essay must meet the requirements below.

    1. Show your understanding of the meaning of the picture below

    2. State the harmful effects of fake and inferior products

    3. Suggest ways to fight against fake and inferior products

    假冒偽劣產(chǎn)品

    正如所給的圖畫所描繪的, 我國社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)正在迅速發(fā)展, 就像一輛高速行駛的卡車。但是公眾驚訝地發(fā)現(xiàn), 越來越多的假冒偽劣產(chǎn)品嚴(yán)重地阻礙了我國市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的發(fā)展。消費(fèi)者必須經(jīng)常謹(jǐn)慎地去購買他們所需的貨物或服務(wù), 否則他們會(huì)落入不法制假人所設(shè)的陷阱。

    毫無疑問, 假冒偽劣產(chǎn)品極其有害。首先, 它們危害人民的健康, 引發(fā)了許多傷害事故。例如，偽劣藥品不僅使病人的病情惡化, 而且往往會(huì)威脅病人的生命, 更糟的是, 導(dǎo)致病人的死亡。其次, 假冒偽劣產(chǎn)品通常廉價(jià)出售。在許多情況下, 它們又干擾了我國正常的經(jīng)濟(jì)秩序, 影響了許多高質(zhì)量產(chǎn)品的銷路。這在很大程度上阻礙了我國社會(huì)主義市場(chǎng)經(jīng)濟(jì)的健康發(fā)展, 并損害了我們國家的利益。 因此, 我們可以說, 假冒偽劣產(chǎn)品是我們健康經(jīng)濟(jì)中的一顆“毒瘤”, 對(duì)此必須盡快清除。

    依我看, 必須采取若干有力措施來與假冒偽劣產(chǎn)品斗爭(zhēng)。一方面, 制假者應(yīng)該依法嚴(yán)懲。另一方面, 消費(fèi)者應(yīng)該學(xué)會(huì)識(shí)別真假。只有這樣, 消費(fèi)者才能維護(hù)他們的合法權(quán)益。

    As the picture given depicts, the socialist market-oriented economy in our country is developing rapidly, just like a truck running at a high speed. But the general public is surprised to find that there are more and more fake and inferior products seriously hampering the expansion of our market economy. Consumers have to be very careful in purchasing goods and services they need; otherwise they will fall into the traps set by the illegal manufacturers.

    There is no doubt that fake and inferior products are extremely harmful. In the first place, they endanger people’s health, giving rise to a lot of injury accidents. For instance, inferior-quality medicines not only aggravate a patient’s condition, but also tend to threaten his life and, what’s worse, to result in his death. Secondly, fake and inferior products are usually sold on the cheap. In many cases they interfere with the normal economic order in our country, affecting the marketing of many high-quality goods. This, in a great degree, hinders the development of our socialist market economy and harms the interests of our state. Therefore, we can say that fake and inferior products are a dangerous “tumor” in our healthy economy, which must be cut away as soon as possible.

    In my opinion, several strong measures should be adopted to fight against fake and inferior products. On the one hand, those who make them deserve to be severely punished by the law. On the other hand, consumers should learn to discern between true and false. Only in this way can they defend their own legal rights and interests. (263 words)

    背記重點(diǎn)詞語漢英對(duì)照：

    1. 阻礙，妨礙：hamper, hinder, obstruct，interfere with。

    2. 引起，造成：give rise to; cause。

    3. 使病情加重：aggravate a patient’s condition。

    4. 小心謹(jǐn)慎做某事：be careful in doing sth.。

    5. 廉價(jià)出售某物：sell sth. on the cheap。

    6. 干擾某人：interfere with sb.。

    7. 損害我們的國家利益：harm the interests of our state。8. 辨別真?zhèn)危篸iscern between true and false。

    9. 維護(hù)某人的合法權(quán)益：defend one’s legal rights and interests。

    Put the following sentences from Chinese into English:

    1. 我們前進(jìn)時(shí)受到惡劣天氣的阻礙。[ALD]

    2. 這次交通事故造成了他頭部和雙臂的重傷。

    3. 無論什么時(shí)候我們都不應(yīng)該做任何損害國家利益的事。

    4. 我們必須采取若干有力措施來與假冒偽劣產(chǎn)品斗爭(zhēng)。

    5. 只有這樣, 消費(fèi)者才能維護(hù)他們的合法權(quán)益。

    家庭作業(yè)：1. 背記作文并改寫(縮短)，注意作文句型的英漢對(duì)照；2. 加強(qiáng)閱讀訓(xùn)練，注意精讀與快讀的區(qū)別。

    贈(zèng)言：事業(yè)成功的秘訣是：一個(gè)人要有崇高的理想和刻苦的精神，他比較大的業(yè)余愛好就是他所從事的事業(yè), 只有這樣他才能全神貫注，執(zhí)著追求，不畏艱險(xiǎn)，不怕失敗，總結(jié)經(jīng)驗(yàn)，汲取教訓(xùn)，繼續(xù)前進(jìn)。不要追名逐利、斤斤計(jì)較, 名利是人民自然給你的公正反饋。

    Text 1 參考譯文

    與傳統(tǒng)的對(duì)少數(shù)民族企業(yè)的分析相反，社會(huì)學(xué)的分析認(rèn)為，少數(shù)民族企業(yè)所有制是一種集體性質(zhì)的企業(yè)，因?yàn)樗�主要是依靠社�?huì)集團(tuán)的財(cái)力來進(jìn)行開發(fā)的。具體說，這種分析表明，支持網(wǎng)絡(luò)，通過向業(yè)主提供從家庭成員和朋友到來自業(yè)主本民族的工人和客戶的可靠來源等一系列的幫助，在開創(chuàng)和經(jīng)營少數(shù)民族企業(yè)中起了關(guān)鍵性的作用。這種鼓勵(lì)和支持本民族的少數(shù)民族企業(yè)家的自助網(wǎng)絡(luò)由一些“基礎(chǔ)性的”機(jī)構(gòu)組成，這些機(jī)構(gòu)在形成其行為和觀念方面比較接近于個(gè)人。它們的特點(diǎn)是由互相關(guān)心的紐帶團(tuán)結(jié)起來的個(gè)人之間的面對(duì)面的交往和協(xié)作。它們形成了個(gè)人和以人際關(guān)系為基礎(chǔ)的較大的“二級(jí)”機(jī)構(gòu)之間的中間社會(huì)階層。構(gòu)成支持網(wǎng)絡(luò)的基礎(chǔ)性機(jī)構(gòu)中包括親屬、朋友和鄰居或社區(qū)小集團(tuán)。

    自助網(wǎng)絡(luò)的主要功能是經(jīng)濟(jì)上的支持。許多學(xué)者一致認(rèn)為，少數(shù)民族企業(yè)主主要依靠家庭資金和本民族團(tuán)體的財(cái)力來作為投資的資本。個(gè)人的存款積累起來，常常是通過勤儉的生活習(xí)慣，這種習(xí)慣要求全家人做出犧牲，因而是家庭長(zhǎng)期理財(cái)?shù)某晒�。來自親屬的補(bǔ)充性貸款和禮品常常出于團(tuán)體的義務(wù)，而不是狹隘的投資考慮，補(bǔ)充了個(gè)人的存款。個(gè)體企業(yè)家并不是因?yàn)闊o法從商業(yè)銀行借到金融貸款而必須依靠他們的親屬。他們可能實(shí)際上想避開銀行，因?yàn)樗麄冇X得，這些商業(yè)銀行機(jī)構(gòu)要么不能理解少數(shù)民族經(jīng)營的特殊需要，要么收取不合理高的利率。

    在較大的民族社區(qū)內(nèi)部，一直使用輪流信貸協(xié)會(huì)來籌集資金。這些協(xié)會(huì)是本民族團(tuán)體的朋友和其它可信賴的成員組成的非正式團(tuán)體，他們定期向一筆基金交錢，這筆基金再輪流借給每一個(gè)捐助者。有一位作者估計(jì)在1900年到1950年期間建立的紐約唐人街40%的公司使用了這樣的協(xié)會(huì)作為他們資金的比較初來源。然而，比較近入境的移民和老一些團(tuán)體的第3或第4代的人現(xiàn)在只是偶爾使用輪流信貸協(xié)會(huì)來籌集投資的資金。有些團(tuán)體，像美國黑人，找到了其它經(jīng)濟(jì)資助的手段來經(jīng)營企業(yè)。第一批黑人經(jīng)營的銀行建立于19世紀(jì)晚期，作為從友好團(tuán)體收來的會(huì)費(fèi)的儲(chǔ)存處，這些團(tuán)體本身是從黑人教會(huì)派生出來的。黑人銀行在其它黑人企業(yè)中進(jìn)行有限的投資。美國城市中的愛爾蘭移民組織了許多建筑和信貸協(xié)會(huì)來向住房建筑和住房購買提供資金。他們又為許多愛爾蘭住房建筑的承包公司提供工作。其他民族的和少數(shù)民族的團(tuán)體仿照類似的做法建立了本民族領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的金融機(jī)構(gòu)。

    Text 2 參考譯文

    1997年韓國漢城極有聲望的伊娃女子大學(xué)宣布開始進(jìn)行亞洲第一個(gè)婦女研究項(xiàng)目。很少有學(xué)術(shù)項(xiàng)目曾經(jīng)受到公眾如此的注意。在廣播辯論中，批評(píng)者們對(duì)這個(gè)項(xiàng)目持否定態(tài)度，認(rèn)為它出賣了民族特性，模仿西方思想，與國家統(tǒng)一與經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展的大業(yè)背道而馳。就連支持者們也低估了這個(gè)項(xiàng)目，他們認(rèn)為這個(gè)項(xiàng)目只不過是眾多已證明對(duì)亞洲文化有用的西方觀念之一，與航空公司、電力和產(chǎn)品裝配線差不多。不過，這個(gè)項(xiàng)目的創(chuàng)建者們認(rèn)為這兩種觀點(diǎn)都不對(duì)。他們對(duì)西方女權(quán)主義理論是否適用于亞洲婦女所扮演的角色持保留意見，認(rèn)為應(yīng)仔細(xì)考察這些理論。他們的研究方法到目前為止已經(jīng)引發(fā)了關(guān)于西方理論的重要評(píng)論, 這些評(píng)論中貫穿了亞洲婦女的特殊經(jīng)歷。

    比如，和西方女權(quán)主義者對(duì)弗洛伊德人類心靈模式的批評(píng)一樣，韓國批評(píng)家認(rèn)為，弗洛伊德理論受到文化的限制，但限制的方面不像西方理論家所說的那樣。韓國理論家們認(rèn)為，弗洛伊德理論假定，西方那種男子占主導(dǎo)地位的核心家庭帶有普遍性，突出強(qiáng)調(diào)獨(dú)立于社會(huì)的個(gè)人的性格形成過程。在這種假設(shè)基礎(chǔ)上所作的分析對(duì)于競(jìng)爭(zhēng)高度激烈、極端個(gè)人主義的社會(huì)也許是有效的。在弗洛伊德的家庭劇中，家庭成員之間被認(rèn)為進(jìn)行著達(dá)爾文進(jìn)化論式的生存競(jìng)爭(zhēng) － 父子相爭(zhēng)、同胞相殘。這種觀念把西方的競(jìng)爭(zhēng)模式反映到人的個(gè)性上。但是，在亞洲的性格概念中，個(gè)人主義或獨(dú)立的個(gè)人并沒有被理想化。西方的性格模式不能解釋韓國人那種社會(huì)化的、以群體為中心的主要特點(diǎn)：“個(gè)人”是一種由群體定義并在群體中活動(dòng)的社會(huì)存在，男子與女子的幸福都是靠群體的平衡，而不是靠個(gè)人的自我肯定，其理念是互相依存。

    在這種情況下，西方精神病學(xué)承認(rèn)的術(shù)語“依賴性”在韓國語言中并不表示懦弱或者失敗。所有這些都直接影響了亞洲人關(guān)于男子和女子心理的看法，因?yàn)槟凶右彩怯小耙蕾囆缘摹�。在韓國文化中，男子不但可以哭，而且容易表露他們的情感，這在西方文化中可能被看作是與男子漢氣概背道而馳的。在韓國以親屬關(guān)系為基礎(chǔ)的社會(huì)里，有可能四世同堂。這就意味著人們一生都可能是兒子或女兒；而在西方文化里，丈夫和兒子、妻子和女兒的角色通常是互不相容的。

    Text 3 參考譯文

    自從人類發(fā)明創(chuàng)造開始以來已經(jīng)設(shè)計(jì)出越來越多的靈巧的工具來完成危險(xiǎn)、枯燥、勞累或?qū)嵲诹钊藧盒牡墓ぷ鳌＿@種欲望導(dǎo)致了機(jī)器人技術(shù)的產(chǎn)生 -– 這是一門把人的能力賦予給機(jī)器的科學(xué)。如果科學(xué)家還要?jiǎng)?chuàng)造出科學(xué)幻想型的機(jī)械工具，那他們已經(jīng)開始接近這個(gè)目標(biāo)。

    因此，當(dāng)今世界擁有越來越多的智能化機(jī)械裝置。我們幾乎沒有注意到這些裝置的出現(xiàn)，但是它們的普遍存在已經(jīng)省去了許多人類勞動(dòng)。我們的工廠合著機(jī)器人裝配臂的節(jié)奏嗡嗡作響。我們的銀行業(yè)務(wù)在自動(dòng)化出納終端完成。它們會(huì)用機(jī)械式的禮貌用語感謝我們的交易。我們的地鐵火車由不知疲勞的機(jī)器人駕駛員控制。由于電子技術(shù)和微機(jī)械技術(shù)的不斷小型化，現(xiàn)在已經(jīng)有了機(jī)器人系統(tǒng)，它們能以亞毫米的精確度做某些腦外科和骨外科手術(shù)，其精確度要比技術(shù)熟練的醫(yī)生單用手工所能達(dá)到的精確度高得多。

    但是如果機(jī)器人要達(dá)到節(jié)省勞力效用的下一階段，人類對(duì)它們操作的監(jiān)督還必須減少，這些機(jī)器人得能獨(dú)立做出至少幾項(xiàng)決定，這是一個(gè)真正提出挑戰(zhàn)的目標(biāo)。美國航空航天管理局機(jī)器人項(xiàng)目經(jīng)理D.拉弗里說，“雖然我們知道如何讓機(jī)器人去處理一項(xiàng)特定的誤差，”“但是我們不能教給機(jī)器人足夠的‘常識(shí)’來可靠地應(yīng)對(duì)瞬隙萬變的世界。”

    的確，探索真正的人工智能已產(chǎn)生了有喜有憂的結(jié)果。盡管在20世紀(jì)60年代和70年代有過持續(xù)一段時(shí)間的比較初樂觀情緒，那時(shí)似乎認(rèn)為，到2010年晶體管電路和微處理器可能會(huì)復(fù)制出人類大腦的活動(dòng)，但是研究人員比較近開始把那個(gè)預(yù)言推遲如果不是幾百年也要有幾十年。

    在試圖模仿人類思維的過程中，他們發(fā)現(xiàn)，人類大腦的大約1 000億個(gè)神經(jīng)細(xì)胞比以前想象的遠(yuǎn)為聰明，人類的悟性也比以前想象的遠(yuǎn)為復(fù)雜。他們已經(jīng)造出了機(jī)器人，這些機(jī)器人能在受控的工廠環(huán)境中以幾分之一毫米的精確度來識(shí)別一塊機(jī)器控制板上的誤差。但是人腦卻能一眼看到迅速變化的場(chǎng)景并立即摒棄98%無關(guān)的信息。人腦能在一瞬間把目光鎖定在蜿蜒的森林公路一側(cè)的那只猴子身上或一大群人中那張可疑的面孔上。地球上比較先進(jìn)的計(jì)算機(jī)系統(tǒng)也無法達(dá)到人的這種能力，并且神經(jīng)學(xué)家也仍然不知道我們?nèi)祟愂侨绾巫龅竭@些的。

    Text 4 參考譯文

    科學(xué)長(zhǎng)期以來與文化的其他方面關(guān)系不融洽。請(qǐng)看伽里略17世紀(jì)由于其叛逆的信念而受到天主教會(huì)的審判，再想一想詩人William Blake尖刻的言詞反對(duì)牛頓機(jī)械論的世界觀�？茖W(xué)與人文之間的分裂在本世紀(jì)甚至加深了。

    直到比較近科學(xué)界還是十分強(qiáng)大的，因此它有能力不理睬它的批評(píng)者，但是今后不行了。由于對(duì)科學(xué)的撥款減少了，科學(xué)家在幾本書中攻擊“反科學(xué)”，如：弗吉尼亞大學(xué)的一位生物學(xué)家Paul R. Gross和Rutgers大學(xué)的數(shù)學(xué)家Norman Levitt所著的Higher Superstition（更高的迷信），和Cornell大學(xué)的Carl Sagan所著的The Demon-Haunted World（魔鬼出沒的世界）。

    科學(xué)的捍衛(wèi)者還在一些會(huì)議上發(fā)出了他們的關(guān)注，例如，1995年在紐約城舉行的“背離科學(xué)與理性”會(huì)議和去年六月在Buffalo附近召開的“（錯(cuò)誤）信息時(shí)代的科學(xué)”會(huì)議。

    顯然，反科學(xué)對(duì)不同的人指的是不同的事情。Gross 和Levitt主要批評(píng)那些對(duì)科學(xué)的客觀性提出疑問的社會(huì)學(xué)家、哲學(xué)家和其他的學(xué)者。Sagan則進(jìn)一步談到那些相信鬼神、上帝創(chuàng)世說和其他違背科學(xué)世界觀的現(xiàn)象。

    1996年對(duì)新聞報(bào)導(dǎo)的一次調(diào)查披露了反科學(xué)的標(biāo)簽還貼到了許多其他的團(tuán)體頭上：從提倡消滅比較后剩下的幾批天花病毒的當(dāng)局人士到主張減少對(duì)基礎(chǔ)研究撥款的共和黨人。

    幾乎沒有人會(huì)爭(zhēng)議反科學(xué)這個(gè)詞適合于反原子彈團(tuán)體的人士，他們1995年發(fā)表的宣言蔑視科學(xué)并渴望回到技術(shù)世界以前的烏托邦時(shí)代去。但是肯定與去年五月“美國新聞和世界報(bào)導(dǎo)”中一篇文章似乎認(rèn)為的不一樣，那并不是說，關(guān)注工業(yè)無節(jié)制發(fā)展的環(huán)境專家是反科學(xué)的。

    不可避免的是，這些環(huán)境專家對(duì)這樣的批評(píng)者要做出反應(yīng)。環(huán)境研究的開拓者Stanford大學(xué)的Paul Ehrlich論證說，科學(xué)的真正敵人是這樣一些人，他們不相信證實(shí)全球變暖、臭氧層受到破壞和工業(yè)發(fā)展的其它后果的證據(jù)。

    確實(shí)，有些觀察家擔(dān)心，反科學(xué)的表述正處于失去意義的危險(xiǎn)中。哈佛大學(xué)哲學(xué)家Gerald Holton在他1993年的著作<科學(xué)與反科學(xué)>中指出，“<反科學(xué)>這個(gè)詞可以把許許多多完全不同的事情羅列在一起�！薄斑@些事情只有一點(diǎn)相同，即它們往往激怒或威脅那些自認(rèn)為更開明的人。”

    人生英語 – No pains, no gains.

    -- Is Chiqui off practicing again?

    -- Yes, that’s all she does. She’s up at four in the morning, and by five she’s already at the ice rink(溜冰場(chǎng)). She puts in two full hours of practice before going to school. Then after school, she practices for another three hours with her partner(搭擋).

    -- That’s a crushing(了不起的) routine. How does she do it?

    -- No pains, no gains. She wants to be a champion ice skater, so she’s working hard to perfect her technique and skills. At this rate she’ll make it by the time she’s out of high school. Maybe even sooner. She is one determined young lady. She knows that without great effort and discipline she’ll never achieve her goal.

    閱讀欣賞 時(shí)尚英語 精品譯文

    Art Attack For one week in early April, Singapore’s hotels, shopping centers, and public spaces – mot to mention art galleries – will be taken over by the annual Art Singapore Contemporary Asian Art Fair.

    Running from April 8 – 12, 40 art spaces will open their doors to galleries from around Asia, showing works ranging from paintings and sculptures to ceramics and installations by some of the biggest names in the region, including Fang Lijun (China), Srihadi Soedarsono(Indonesia), and Tatsu Okamoto(Japan). According to events director Marjorie Chu, the busy hub of Singapore is an ideal and sophisticated destination for art collectors and admirers to gather.

    藝術(shù)沖擊 4月初的一個(gè)禮拜，新加坡的酒店、購物中心、公共場(chǎng)所，更不要說各個(gè)藝術(shù)館都將迎來一年一度的新加坡當(dāng)代亞洲藝術(shù)展覽會(huì)。

    從4月8日到12日，近40個(gè)藝術(shù)場(chǎng)館將對(duì)來自亞洲的藝術(shù)作品敞開大門，展示從繪畫、雕塑到陶藝、裝置等藝術(shù)作品。這些藝術(shù)作品均來自該地區(qū)的藝術(shù)大師，包括中國的方力均，印度尼西亞的Srihadi Soedarsono以及日本的Tatsu Okamoto。正如此次活動(dòng)的總監(jiān)Marjorie Chu所說，繁華熱鬧的新加坡將成為藝術(shù)收藏家和鑒賞家云集的理想場(chǎng)所。

    Vertu Speaking of Luxury Vertu, the first luxury communications company., presents their exclusive handcrafted mobile phones from the Vertu Signature Collection. Available in a range of precious metals such as 18-carat gold and platinum, the newest additions include reflective stainless steel and Bordeaux stainless steel. The perfect combination of both form and function, Vertu owners get more than unparalleled communication.

    With the Vertu Concierge service, Vertu’s exclusive service continues after sales. Just by pushing a button on the phone, users can contact a concierge that provides exclusive benefits and insider advantages from a network of experts in airlines, hotels, restaurants, and much more, 24 hours a day.

    Vertu 話說奢華 Vertu, 全球頂級(jí)通訊產(chǎn)品制造商，以其著名的Vertu Signature Collection手工藝手機(jī)著稱于世。系列產(chǎn)品全部以貴重金屬制成，包括18k黃金和白金，比較新推出的產(chǎn)品還有反光不銹鋼和雙色不銹鋼。外形和功能完美結(jié)合，Vertu擁有者還可享受無與論比的便捷通訊。

    Vertu 售后服務(wù)獨(dú)領(lǐng)風(fēng)騷。只需輕輕一按手機(jī)上的特設(shè)按鈕便可獲得機(jī)場(chǎng)、飯店、餐飲等一條龍優(yōu)質(zhì)服務(wù)和內(nèi)部?jī)?yōu)惠，讓你享受全天24小時(shí)的貴賓式服務(wù)。